How do we organize?
Do we need “leaders”? Is “authority” necessary?
“When the people is rising,
fate must succumb to its will . . .”
(from the Tunisian national anthem)
1
The question of organization
looms large in the minds of many today who see that the course of the world
requires our attention, our reflection, and much more active involvement
of citizens than is
presently the case. We know
there is such involvement. But it is still scattered and sporadic in many
countries. Apparently, the point where many people will say, ‘Enough is
enough’ has been reached only in a few countries. Thailand, Tunisia, Egypt,
Greece, Spain show which way people turn when they are not willing to accept
injustice anymore. What we have seen there were largely peaceful, non-violent
protests although extreme police violence against peaceful crowds can sometimes
lead to a violent outbreak, as in Bangkok.(1)
We don’t know how organized the different movements were. In the Egyptian
case, the Western dominant media speak of a “facebook revolution.”(2)
But probably it was neither a revolution, in the strict sense of the word
(the old power elite is still in power, they merely exchanged a few discredited
guys at the top) nor was Facebook-supported communication the only “organizing”
factor.(3)
There were too many impulses, heterogenous social forces were involved,
and much of what happened, on the side of the crowd, was spontaneous.
When large numbers of people
begin to move, it is never simply because of organizers, agitators and
instigators, as the people in power want us to believe. In Egypt, more
than a million, perhaps two million, crowded Tahir Square and adjacent
streets and avenues in early 2011 because they were fed up with unemployment,
rising prices, illegalized strikes, arbitrary arrests and torture by the
police.(4) And
on top of it there was the pent-up anger fueled by seeing for so many years
the shameless corruption of politicians. In Egypt, these extraordinary
numbers of people turning out in the street were possible because, without
any instigation, without any Facebook communication, they shared for years
quite similar sentiments. They still shared them in Tahir Square. There
was all that frustration, the anger, the hope, the goal of democracy and
the deeply felt desire to live in a better, more just society. When such
unity of sentiment and, at least vaguely, of direction exists, little is
needed to start a popular revolt. In Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said etc.
it happened when the International Monetary Fund advocated a rise in the
gasoline price (a cut of subsidies) that made public transport more expensive
and when, more or less simulaneouly, the news of the wanton murder of a
young dissident in police custody reached people.(5)
We have known for long, and see
again in the Egyptian case, that such seemingly small things can ignite
a social explosion. In Tunisia it was similar: the self-immolation of an
unemployed youth, the rise of the price of bread because of IMF pressure
to cut subsidies served as a catalyst. The global economic crisis had decreased
the possibilities of unpopular regimes to subsidize such commodities in
many countries of the so-called Third World.(6)
In the West, austerity policies
have been put in place. Social conquests attained by trade unions and the
working class movement in the past have been attacked and rescinded. Social
infrastructure is neglected. Real wages (and real “salaries” of all but
top executives and “successful” financial analysts) have been lowered.
Collective bargaining practices are no longer perceived as instruments
of mediated improvement of the ‘standard of living’: in fact, most unions
have been weakened and have become defensive rather than combattive. The
statistics hide the extent of enduring mass unemployment. The majority
of the aged are more and more exposed to the risk of poverty, if they are
not experiencing stark deprivation already. The young face uncertain futures,
precarious jobs or joblessness. Those in between those age brackets (to
the extent that they are employed) feel the wear and tear of competition
in the work place; most of them fear job loss; many have accepted
pay levels they would not have accepted in the past. Today, the general
mood isn’t optimistic at all. But there are those who think that like sheep,
the masses will endure a lot and that they will continue to look for ‘salvation’
now from this, now from that major political party, as they seem to have
done doggedly for so long. But it is not a sign of true readiness to analyze
the situation if such commentators overlook the real loss of legitimacy
that politicians and parties have experienced. The percentage of those
who are completely disillusioned is simply too big. And from disillusionment,
apathy, frustration and anger, it may only be a small step to civic action.
As we have seen, change is in
the air. In several country; the masses have already said, “We don’t take
it anymore.” The media and many governments may play such a possibility
down when focusing on so-called stable countries, especially the U.S..
Or Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, Germany, Poland, for that matter. It
is true that they are betting on continuing apathy, on a chance that Egyptian-style
mass protests won’t occur. On the other hand, they have taken precautions;
they have prepared and continue to prepare for it. They always had
their “worst case scenarios” and “contingency plans.” Their “emergency”
laws and “patriot” acts. But so had Mubarak and Ben Ali, presumably. So
had the now defunct etatist regimes in Poland, Czechoslovakia, East Germany
and so on. If the vast majority of the citizens turns against discredited
“leaders”, distrusted parties and self-serving socio-economic “elites,”
such plans may help to avert a breached dam for a while. But when the dam
is breaking, the water will gush out with even greater force. There are
too many examples in history to confirm this insight.
It is the bite of the crisis
that has brought about what those in power call “instability.” And
what the people in Egypt comprehended as a beautiful chance but also a
necessity to achieve needed change.
Today, in the West, the number
of citizens who refuse to be put to sleep by the media, who have come to
the point where they question what is rotten and undemocratic is increasing.
It is increasing sharply, and this accelerating tendency could be observed
in the protests in Wisconsin, in the Stuttgart protests in Germany last
year and, in even greater magnitude, in the upsurge of social movements
in Italy, Spain, and Greece.
One feature is shared by all
these citizens’ movement: they don’t rely very much on opposition parties.
They prefer loose networking, they show the qualities of true grass-roots
movements. They are basically skepticable of “established” leaders. And
they tend to demand – now more obviously, in other cases, implicitly –
citizens’ participation. Empowerment of the bulk of the population, the
citizens, whom they see as factually disempowered, in spite of (or because
of?) the existing regime of parliamentary, representative democracy.
But can they achieve their basic
goal, the empowerment of all citizens and their real and factual involvement
in social, economic, and ecological decision making processes, without
coherent action, without discipline? Some ask, can they achieve it without
organization?
In this way, a question arises.
How conscious, how disciplined, and how organized is the people? Not only
in Egypt, but in the U.S. and in Europe, as well. Can they bring about
relevant change? And how?
2
Observing the U.S. situation
in the 1960s, Erich Fromm once noted that “modern man has exceedingly little
self-discipline outside of the sphere of work.”(7)
Fromm is probably right in his basic, underlying assimption that self-discipline,
in fact, is nothing but an outcome of, as well as a prerequisite of, mature
human existence. In other words, it is the essence – the essential emotional
and intellectual quality – needed for and inherent in autonomous emotional
behavior as well as (theoretically and/or practically) productive human
activity. In short, it is something we would need in every kind of thoughtful,
mature praxis, as opposed to conventional, often unthinking routine and
other forms of often manipulated or ordered, thus obviously hetero-directed
practice.(8)
We can doubt in fact that man
as a social being under the influence of present bureaucratic and hierarchic,
market-driven economic institutions and accompanying political institutions
(referred to by Althusser and others as appareils d’état, state
apparati, which include not only government agencies but also schools,
courts, the armed forces, etc.) is truly and fully capable of autonomous
action (so-called self-disciplined practice), even if we limit our focus
to the work sphere.(9)
In fact, we may assume that even the scientist working in a seemingly dedicated
and energetic way at some project is pre-consciously responding to internalized
constraints and expectations of an institution. The writer, working at
a novel, may well be working under the influence of assumed expectations
of the market, of his publisher and his likely readers. The semi-skilled
worker, engaged in responsible team work in a car factory, is subject to
the team spirit, to the collective responsibility enforced by the work
contract and work rules and inscribed in the company philosophy, as it
is called. The team will be collectively punished by pay reductions or
subjected to an obligation to do unpaid ‘over-time’ if this worker is lacking
in ‘self-discipline’ which is just another word for internalized discipline
expected and enforced by Others. Alienation is the overwhelmingly present
fact of life, and it precludes, on the whole and tendentially, genuine
self-discipline. Where the latter surfaces, it does so inspite of the prevailing
conditions and circumstances.
This, however, does not mean
that man is fundamentally and completely incapable of self-disciplined
autonomous practice in our society. If alienation, perhaps from the point
of view of a researcher who seeks to grasp things statistically in order
to identify a tendency, is a determinating factor that makes people function
in ‘required’ ways in order to avoid stress, punishment, in order to guard
as best they can against job loss, against being viewed with suspicion,
etc., or simply in order to forget the burdensome, hetero-directed aspects
of their existence, such a socio-pychological interpretation of alienated
existence is nonetheless uncritical and positivist. It is so in so far
as those who hold on to it, ‘forget’ to take into account the possibility
that one type of social behavior (for instance, the typical, flexible conformism
of people who try to be as well adapted as possible to an economy shaken
by one global crisis after the other) can all of a sudden turn into a very
different social behavior, as the masses in downtown Bangkok, downtown
Stuttgart (fall 2010), and recently downtown Cairo showed. On the
other hand, the need and the courage to overcome what is alienating
in us (and alienating it is, insofar as it is above all a consequence of
outside pressure as well as internalized factors linked to our childhood,
to schools, to the media, to the work place) can reveal itself in a partial
way. And perhaps only on certain occasions, in certain situations, do to
certain impulses in us, liberating impulses, as I would call them, assert
themselves. Is it possible to say that such impulses or rather, such potentials
are alive in us – and yet hidden like the flame of a candle that
barely breathes under a suffocating lid? People sometimes show surprising
autonomy in special situations that require it.
Such courage and a departure
from customary routines of behavior that have taken hold of many people
in our societies are especially visible when concerns about threats posed
to the health and happiness of our offspring move us to action. In several
countries, including the U.S., more than just tiny minorities of the people
begin to be moved by issues that matter, among them quite centrally ecological
issues. In West Virginia, people resist the cutting off of mountain tops
by a big coal mining corporation. In Utah, there is concern about the consequences
of uranium mining for miners and entire communities. In Libby MT, asbestos
is an issue. In upstate New York, Pennsylvania, Nova Scotia people are
activated by the need to resist chemical fracturing (so-called “fracking”).
In Europe, and especially in Germany, we have a large and growing movement
against nuclear power plants, and against disposal of nuclear wastes in
unsafe locations. Opposition against carbon dioxide (CO²) storage
and against shale gas exploration that relies on hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”,
for short) and thus the injection of large quantities of diesel and toxic
chemicals is picking up. People are concerned about their drinking
water, knowing full well that in the case of “fracking” the pipes through
which toxic substances are injected under high pressure cross the water
table and that one gallon of diesel can pollute one million gallons of
ground water. In a first test run, in the German state of North Rhine Westphalia,
about 6,000 gallons of diesel were injected, according to a public radio
report.
In the case of the on-going German
anti-nuclear movement and in the case of last fall’s resistance against
the Stuttgart “S-21” project, we could observe the existence of responsible,
self-decided rather than hetero-directed action by exceedingly large numbers
of people. Perhaps, they still bow to many pressures in the work place.
But they have become critical of the dominant media. They have seen how
they are defamed. They have compared their experience of demonstrations
and the added experience of politicians who lied to them with the often
(but not always) biased way the big papers, radio and television reported
and continue to report about their struggle.
Basically, the same tendency
to become mature and autonomous as individuals who take part in a shared
(or collective) political project, that is to say, in action against something
that is perceived as irrational and for something else that is embraced
in its place, characterizes many people in many movements that take place
in many places. Many participants in civic action groups and civic movements
have learned how to seek information about “fracking”, for instance.
Or about the nuclear industry, about deep-sea drilling, tar sands, artic
oil exploration. They seek such information independently. And independent
information to boot. It can be observed in Canada, in the U.S., in Europe
no
less than in so-called Third World countries. Such persons are people who
have chosen to be autonomously active. And this as a consequence of their
own insight and awareness, out of an ethos that does not allow them to
dodge responsibility for the future we are going to make and/or suffer.
Some have been activated by friends, family members, work mates, in order
to then learn to stand on their own feet, as involved, truly committed
citizens. Many have stopped to see the police that is deployed against
them by state governments and the federal government as a force merely
composed of friendly neighborhood cops. Small wonder. Everywhere, from
Seattle and Toronto to Goteburg, Copenhagen, Paris, Madrid, Barcelona and
Genoa, many young and a few elderly protesters have been taught quite physically
the meaning of the words “police brutality.” In many places, especially
in certain parts of Europe (Germany; Greece), we have seen how elderly
housewives and aged farmers, how teenage school kids and landladies can
be roughed up indiscriminately by young officers from out of state locations
who were recruited for special riot police units. These guys have themselves
been subjected to harsh, perhaps brutalizing military training before seeing
service in the police force. The state knows, one is tempted to say, how
to produce functioning tools out of young people looking for a ‘secure’
job in a situation of mass unemployment that has persisted uninterruptedly
since the mid-1970s.
3
So, is it true that the State
still succeeds, to some extent, with its strategies that intend to intimidate
“the many”?
Is it true that the majority
of people in our society has been turned incapable of autonomous, responsible,
self-disciplined action?
For self-disciplined the protesters
are and must be, as they stick – on the whole – to non-violent action each
time they determinedly take to the streets in order to make their demands
heard. Demands that the media often are quiet about for years, until the
numbers of those demonstrating swell and they can no longer be overlooked.(10)
How do we dare to arrogantly
surmise that something a few ordinary citizens – farmers, shop girls, factory
workers, school teachers and other civil servants, housewives, retired
workers and pensioners formerly on the pay roll of cities or states – are
capable of, is impossible for the rest of the population?
As for those thousands if not
tens-of-thousands of protesters who regularly engage, some already
for many years, in attempts to blockade nuclear transports in the North
German region known as the Wendland – aren’t they self-disciplined? No
outside authority, no ethics foreign to them and imposed on them forces
them to do so. They endure the cold. Often water cannons are directed at
them; or they are attacked in other ways. They stick to peaceful forms
of protest consciously, in a self-disciplined way. They share food, assist
each other, share insights gained. They encourage and comfort each other.
As social beings, both emotionally and intellectually, they show the capacity
hidden in each one of us, the capacity for self-discipline, for emotionally
and rationally sane, humane, responsible action. Theirs is a truly autonomous,
i.e. non-alienated, by no means hetero-directed praxis.
Perhaps such praxis is in contrast
to their still somewhat hetero-directed practice as school-kids, farmers,
lawyers, boatbuilders, school-teachers, factory workers, shop girls and
so on. That is to say, in contrast to behavior not thought of as political
that they engage in and may feel compelled to engage in. For instance,
in school or as paid employees.
But even on the job, and in school,
don’t they talk to their peers about their experience as resisters opposing
the ‘permanent nuclear storage site’ (or ‘endlager’) at Gorleben? Haven’t
they turned more committed, more lively, more ready to talk back, to question,
to inquire, in other social contexts as well?
Doesn’t the Gorleben,Wendland
experience, a shared (some say, collective) experience gained by these
often strong, autonomous persons who appear finally to be capable of
much solidarity, rub off? Doesn’t it infuse the life of their village communities?
Their small town neighborhoods, their families?
Yes, the act of courage as protesters
is still to some extent merely a partial liberation. But it frees them,
considerably so. It changes their lives and their outlook and perhaps their
language.
As such, this liberated and liberating
autonomous praxis is in contrast to the hetero-directed, market influenced
practice which most of us show, in many contexts. It is true perhaps that
we don’t overcome the constraints of our society easily. The lawyer who
has the courage to demonstrate against nuclear waste dumps may often feel
compelled to submit to what he does not like, during his professional career.
But perhaps he corrects and changes such compliant professional behavior,
in the short or the long run, to some extent. And this as an outcome of
collective, solidary political experience gained in the civic movement.
And the same may be said of those who engage in other professions. Even
of the farmer, the fisherman, the self-employed printer of lithographies
or books, and the self-employed boatbuilder. They seem more autonomous
than the factory worker or shop girl who bow to the orders of a foreman
or boss. But being self-employed, they may nonetheless bow to the need
to earn a living. The question therefore is perhaps: Doesn’t revolt in
one respect (and perhaps some sociologists would say, in one sector of
their life, pertaining to a specific ‘role’ that they ‘play’) induce, in
the long run and sometimes quickly, all of a sudden, courageous and independent
action and thought in other respects – thus freeing the entire person and
reducing the impact of customary social constraints?
Perhaps, even without such experience
of politial activity disliked by the powers that be, we can discover liberating
experiences in our lives. The alienating forces of the market cannot be
swept aside in a market economy, it is true. But by some, today, they are
and by all of us, they can be pushed in the background. Obviously, the
trade union activist who engages in organizing activity, is not submitting
to the constraints of the market when he risks being blacklisted and fired.
He braves the tide, hoping to turn it around. And, with a little good luck,
having few material desires that require considerable income, having inherited
perhaps a small house and harvesting most of his vegetables in his own
little garden, might not the self-employed boatbuilder indulge in the freedom
to
construct, every now and then, a boat that he invests all his craftsmanship,
his sense of quality and of beauty in, regardless of whether “the market”
will “honour” his endeavours in its customary monetary way? In such weeks
or months, he would tendentially free himself from internalized and external
constraints, and the work he would be doing would become – again, tendentially
– free work.
4
Children are capable of such
freedom inscribed in what they do. How they encounter others. How they
explore the world. How they ‘make’ or ‘create’ something. All of this testifies
to the same human (and, indeed, humane) potential. All children reveal
it, at the beginning. They lose it, by and large, in the process of growing
up, succumbing to the logic of the world of adults, the world dominated
by institutions and ‘market relations.’ Thus, finally, in our adult lives,
we tend to be motivated and influenced, often pre-consciously, by considerations
tied to money. Everything, in this world assumes the quality of a fetishized
commodity, a German thinker (a philosopher, social scientist, political
economist, and democratic revolutionary who said of himself, Je ne suis
pas marxiste: I’m speaking of course of the often misunderstood and misinterpreted
Karl Marx) concluded already in the 19th century.
If commodification is prevalent,
then autonomous, self-regulated, self-disciplined praxis – regardless of
whether we are on our own or working in a larger, a group context – becomes
an exceptional phenomenon. Still, these exceptions, these possibilities
to cross a threshold, perhaps for a moment, perhaps for good, do exist.The
lover of his work (an amateur or amatore, in a way) transcends, in his
happier moments, the shackles implied in commodified social relations.
(This can be as true of the novelist or painter, as it can be of the boatbuilder,
the teacher, and even the scientist once he “forgets” imposed tasks and
objectives, and frees his curiosity.) The child that in her (or his) play
and daydreams and curious exploration of the world experiences the freedom
that schools, by and large, will not permit, is setting an example of human
liberation, an example relived again in genuine love and genuine friendship.
Leaving the sphere of momentary or extended, tentative individual self-liberartion,
we find the same liberated human reality again in freely chosen political
commitment and activity, but now in a group context, as a collective experience.
The politically committed person who is in engaging in emancipative civic
activities (rather than in politics that serve particular, usually “vested”
interests) and who remains outside the shadow of a paternalistic organization
that demands the kind of discipline owed to a party, does the same, in
a way, as any true lover of his work, though on another level.
They all transcend the
threshold set by a society that subsumes people to institutions and other
organized entities. Whether we call these institutions or entities schools,
churches, governments, armies, hierarchical political parties, firms, companies,
or corporations, is of little significance. What matters is the discovery
that they tend to submit people to their alienating, hetero-directing projects
and purposes. What matters is the insight that we are not mistaken when
we speak of their determining impact on people. And at the same time, there
exists that desirous resistance, the resistant desire in every human being
that can be suffocated and that can appear to be extinct, and that nonetheless
can resurface, as love, as a creative impulse in the child or artist or
daydreaming shop girl, and as emancipative political action.(11)
Especially as political action of people who are finding inside themselves
a commonly shared hope, a shared sense of catastrophe that must be averted,
or a shared sense of justice and the common good.
5
When complaining about the prevalent
lack of self-discipline in modern capitalist (and, in his life-time, also
state-capitalist) societies, Erich Fromm also noted the tendency, apparent
especially in the West, to be self-indulgent. Self-indulgency is fanned
by a capitalist society that perpetually encourages consumerist desires,
in advertisements visible and audible on television, but also brought to
us by way of newspaper ads, billboards etc. Erich Fromm, during the 1960s,
apparently thought that he could identify this tendency towards self-indulgency
among U.S. middle class university students and other groups of people
who all gave the impression of subscribing to hedonism coupled with rebelliousness.
We can probably ask whether it was possible to generalize. Still, a certain
truth may be contained in Fromm’s assumption if we take concrete examples.
The warning voice of Fromm may
have been necessary in the 1960s and early 70s. Still, the denunciation
of the rebels of the ‘60s are too common and too frequent today to warrant
another condemnation, on top of Fromm’s warning voice. I prefer to stress
the courage and dedication of civil rights workers, the intellectual awakeness
of many AIM and Black Panther members, the daring imagination and thirst
for freedom of Beat poetry and of the poets who wrote it. And yet,
if applied to ourselves, today, I find the essence of true, that is real,
socially perceptive insight present in Fromm’s critical statement about
self-indulgency when he explicates that there exists, in Western society,
a way of being “distrustful of all discipline” that is not conducive to
freedom but entails negative consequences.(12)
I can agree with Fromm that “rational discipline”(13)
imposes itself by tasks.
Fromm differentiated between
“discipline […] enforced by irrational [external or internalized] authority”
and the “rational authority imposed by [the active person] himself.”(14)
“Without such discipline,” Fromm wrote, “life becomes shattered, chaotic,
and lacks in concentration.”(15)
Now we know that not every person
is working alone at a desk, in a study. In fact, very few of us do. Not
every person is a self-employed boatbuilder or blacksmith, working on his
own, without even the help of an apprentice. The majority work in fairly,
and sometimes very large, work units. On board planes or ships, in large
offices, in factories and large stores, on the premises of shipyards and
power plants, in mines and open pits, and so on and so forth. And Fromm’s
argument, in favor of rational rather than irrational authority,
can easily be hijacked by those in positions of command in such work contexts.
They will claim that they exert rational rather than irrational authority,
and without the presence of such “authority” as is exercised by them,
the work process would be “chaotic” and lacking in “concentration.” Of
course, under present circumstances, they are right. Even if, from a more
comprehensive and more humane point of view, we can argue that the production
of agent orange by certain chemical corporations was irresponsible, inhumane,
and irrational, its production for customers like the U.S. army that used
it extensively in Vietnam was governed by “market rationality.” In terms
of the logic or the “rules of the game” that apply in our society, the
bosses of Boehringer or of Dow Chemical were exerting rational authority
when they conceived, steered and controlled agent orange production. In
the same way, every production process in a big factory is governed by
what Herbert Marcuse and others called “instrumental reason.” It is a limited,
alienated rationality that is at work, and it is put to work and made effective
by persons exercising authority in bureaucratic, hierarchical organizations.(16)
Erich Fromm’s plea for authority
exercised by the individual vis-à-vis himself in the form of self-discipline
skirts, I think, the question of how such self-critical and self-responsible,
mature individuals can and should behave in a group context of work, especially
under conditions when wage labor applies, as is typical for our present
society. For the scholar, it is easy to imagine a republic of philosophers,
each of them mature, self-critical, exercising authority over his or her
irrational urges, etc., playing his part in the common concert of research
or debate or philosophical reflection. But is this the reality in large
bureaucratic research institutions today? How do we apply this to the shop
floor? And to the number of workshops and departments in a vast factory?
And to industry, to the aggregate number of factories that are, in various
respects, in relation with each other.
Today, if we take for example
producing companies, they are not only dependent on a few others (for raw
materials, energy, often also for parts and components). But they
are at the same time competing with like firms, and their relation to all
of these and still others firms who buy their products are governed not
by friendly cooperation; they are mediated by the market. For citizens
who would prefer a solidary economy based on cooperation, present inter-company
relationships are neither conducive to sustainable ways of producing nor
likely to eliminate squandering of resources which takes place, for instance,
when inbuilt obsolescence is favored. Or when squanderung of certain resources
is considered to more cost-efficient than the modernization of the production
process. Similarly, companies often fail to minimize production of
that which is not needed. For instance in the case of overproduction, but
also in cases where artificial, non-sensical needs are created through
PR campaigns etc.. Among non-needed products we should also count hardware
for the military, the production of which is a multi-billion dollar business.
In addition, companies do not seek to avoid scarcity of what is needed
by producing and making available sufficient quantities of essential goods
to those in need. This is the case when customers are too poor to pay for
what they need, e.g. accommodation, adequate food, “cultural” goods, etc..
In addition, the climate of competition that pervades all of society tends
to undermine social bonds and leads to social fragmentation. The atomized
individual who is a bit like Leibniz’ monads and Descartes’ Ego is tendentially
separated from all others and pitted against all others, at least if she
or he completely succumbs to the logic of the politico-economic system.
As consumer (customer), she or he is a lonely, isolated and powerless individual,
confronting and confronted with the overwhelming market power of big corporations.
Attempts to exercise “consumer power” must fail to attain even minimal
results unless they are the result of joined (collective) political campaigns
that involve very large numbers of the population. As employee, the same
experience made by the customer, that of being a lonely signer of a – this
time, work – contract abounds. Again, the counterpart most often is a company
or corporation; the relation is a relation characterized by unequal power
which is justified by today’s labor laws and courts and governments. As
voter, she or he is just an isolated, passive consumer of political offers
that are usually made by two big, very similar political parties. Their
leaders are exerting or hoping to exert, and are therefore competing for,
positions of (institutional political) power and influence which
in turn, for obvious reasons (such as 1. keeping “the economy” as it is,
rather than as it should be, running; 2. preserving so-called stability
as an end in itself; 3. respect for and 4. personal ties to existing economic
“elites”; 5. campaign finance) imply linkages with those exercising considerable
economic power. It is thus unlikely that the political leadership will
truly represent the mass of powerless, atomized individuals that they vow
to represent.
How, then, is the lonely individual
to exert his critical and self-critical rational authority in this context
if he finds himself in the position of a cog of a giant wheel? Is the appeal
to be self-disciplined as an autonomous individual not really a helpless
appeal? Especially if we reflect the possibility of an interpretation which
would let us overlook the fact that every individual is a “social being”
and a “species-being.” That she or he is situated, that is, in the
social context of a specific society at a specific point in history. And
situated as well in the planetary ecological context of “socialized nature.”
That is to say, of a nature that is subjected to the impact of social (human)
activity. And that has in turn an impact on man, both as a social being
and as the biological being which makes every human being a part of nature
and, in many ways, dependent on nature as a whole. For undoubtedly, nature
which today and for century has been exploited and harmed by human activity,
is doubtlessly the indispensable material base for human productive and
reproductive activity. The fact that is more than just that and that its
very ‘balance’ and ‘health’ needs to be safeguarded, is a knowledge that
for thousands of years has been inscribed in the ethos and practice of
many indigenous societies. It is a knowledge that has been lost or willfully
discarded by Western society since at least the renaissance. Today we owe
this insight to the ecological movement that human emancipation, real empowerment
of the multitude and the democratization of our horrendously deficient
democratic systems cannot be achieved if at the same time the destructive
course that undermines the “natural base” of society is not changed
in a fundamental way. Something, that the present “elites” (e.g. in the
U.S. and the European Union) but also several self-proclaimed “workers
parties” in newly industrialized countries (e.g. the PCdoBrasil and important
factions of the PT, in Brazil, if I may unjustly single out this country,
in view of recent projects like changing the forest law and constructing
the Belo Monte Dam) appear to be reluctant to do.
6
The same question that every
person as a working person (or as the individual consumer that she or he
is) is faced with, must be asked in the context of the political struggle
as well. How can she or he arrive at autonomous action, governed by self-discipline?
Is an individual’s isolated autonomous action not something that
remains fictitious in the political arena? And – in most cases
– also in the work sphere?
On the other hand, how effective
is the struggle that today frequently seems to pit a limited though growing
number of the disempowered against the powerful few, with the so-called
silent majority still remaining an absent spectator, in front of the television
set? And what is needed to increase its effectiveness? “Simply” more
people who grasp their capacity for autonomous, yet no longer isolated
but joined action? Or leadership – and if so, more and better leadership
than the “subaltern classes” have had in the past? In that case, what does
“more and better” mean? And are we not perhaps wrong when we concentrate
overly on “effectivity” – a concept that so often these days has strange
and in fact questionable implications, such as “pragmatism,” “compromise”
that compromises one’s ethos and fundamental aims, “positivism” that often
proves myopic and incapable of sensing imminent and sudden “historical
turns”?
Obviously those who became active
yesteryear and still are, as well as those who become active today, and
last not least those who are still assuming that they are not “in the ring”
even though they are affected by social and political and economic conflict
but also, and no less, by a grave ecological crisis, do share something.(17)
They are all objectively, to a very large degree, disempowered. They are
kept out of the real decision making processes that decide the further
course of society. They hear talk about the common good, but their opinion
regarding what is the common good is not seriously being sought.
Those who become active today,
a growing number in many countries, are those who try to answer,
by their very actions, the implicit quest for self-emancipation of the
disempowered multitude.
But, again, the question looms
large in many minds: do they do so efficiently? Is there a real chance
that they will bring about something positive? And what is the best, most
humane, emotionally and rationally most defensible way of being active,
of being “in the ring,” so to speak? Engaged in a political conflict with
the powerful and the privileged, in order to stem the tide and turn back
a development that leads us into ever sharper ecological, economic and
social crisis.
Are those who face the mighty
adversaries at the helmet of large corporations and of governments
(governments that are close linked with if not ‘allied’ to these corporations)
perhaps in need of structures of leadership? Can we do without organizations
that are lead by persons embodying what they will claim is nothing but
“rational authority”?
It is Regis Debray who has forcefully
made this point, in favor of leadership and authority, in an interview
with an Argentine journalist, Luisa Corradini. His accentuation of authority
brings to mind Erich Fromm’s criticism of those who reject all authority,
in the name of an “anti-authoritarian” attitude that, according to Fromm,
sometimes was a cover for self-indulgency, lack of responsibility, and
lack of “self-discipline.” In this interview, Debray is affirming the need
of organization and the need of leaders who embody genuine authority.(18)
But Debray’s starting point seems
to be very questionable to me; for he claims: “People want to obey a boss.
It’s instinctive.”(19)
Of course, this is the old pragmatic view, entirely positivist in that
it does not transcend the status-quo. It is also provocative when enunciated
by someone who claims or who often is thought to embrace a perspective
of human emancipation. The sense of what is possible, what is not yet the
case (at least not in a quantitatively significant way) seems to be missing.
Also the sense of what is factually the case, here and there – that people
seriously desire and practically attempt to overcome dependence on the
authority of bosses who decide and organize things, for instance, production
processes. We all know that the workers at the Brockmans textile plant
in Luisa Corradini’s native Argentina are getting along now without such
bosses. And so do the workers at the former Continental tire factory in
Puebla, Mexico.
But don’t they rely on outside
advice, you may ask. Do not ‘leaders’ emerge, from the rank and file –
people particularly trusted and/or particularly gifted who begin to organize
what needs to be organized, thus replacing management? To what extent do
plant assemblies at Brockmans, comparable to the plenary sessions, the
asembleas at the Puerta del Sol and the Plaza de Cataluña in Barcelona,
share in the decision-making process that was once reserved to management?
And is it not true that informal leaders or portavoces, speakers, as they
prefer to say, have emerged even in the non-hierarchical popular assemblies
held in the public squares of Spain’s cities by the “indignant” citizens
of that country? Was it not necessary to prepare and organize this movement
to some extent? And this despite all the spontaneity that undoubtedly played
a large role – because the crisis was so sharp, unemployment and
especially youth unemployment so rampant, and the awareness how much was
and is wrong in the country so widespread...
7
Vinciane Despret has referred
to “the emotions which produce us.”(20)
It is, in a way, a structuralist and perhaps even post-modernist assumption
that Althusser and many of those influenced by him would have liked,
theoretically focused as they have been on the conditions and processes
that form and condition human beings, thus members of classes, in our present
society.(21)
Quite a few today still take “subjects” [i.e., people, seen as “subjected”
social beings] to be produced by discourses and therefore they are engaged
principally in discourse analysis. Yes, of course the discourses have an
effect on people – and Stephane Hessel’s pamphlet Indignez vous (22)
is not the first example of a rebellious, anti-hegemonistic discourse that
was noticed by many and that touched a nerve, in our specific situation
and time. But if certain discourses – obviouly the rebellious ones and
not the mainstream discourses – touched the heart of many of those who
are disempowered today and if they gave impulses to critical thought and
kindled the social imagination of many ( e.g. the protesting Spaniards
of the Puerta del Sol Square, and many people outside Spain to boot),
the rebellious and emancipatory discourses themselves were born and continue
to be born out of a lived experience and a consequent awareness of the
on-going social and ecological and economic crisis that is encountered
and often, in exceedingly sharp ways, suffered by people. So the
impulses are two-fold: they are situated outside discourses, in what some
will be tempted to say, the real world, the real economy, the real eco-system
of the planet, the real lived life as it is experienced in society. And
they are also situated in that part of the real world which is the world
of discourses.
Now, both what is going on in
the society that exists outside the discourses and representations –
this ‘real world’ with its real climate change, with its the real (producing,
trading, lending, speculating) economy & the enormous cancerous growth
of a ‘fictitious’ economy of balance sheets and numbers and often unrealized
profits (when shares soar but are not sold), and in that other sphere,
the cosmos of discourses that undialectic Marxist considered as part of
a “superstructure”, is produced by the practice of people embedded in class
relations, as part of classes. The people are human beings situated as
social beings in a given society at a given time. They are conditioned
and conditioning. And this means exactly that these human beings are the
ones who by their very praxis, to the extent that this praxis is effective
as the praxis of dominant classes and as opposing, challenging and transcending
praxis of subaltern masses, are producing social facts, tendencies, processes
by their combined praxis. And, at the same time, they are exposed to and
subjected to the effects of the praxis of the other, antagonistic class
(including its discoursive praxis). Thus, and in that sense, they are indeed
produced. But such “producedness” is not total, comprehensive, not a “closed
circuit” of inescapable, non-transcendable complete determination. We have,
I think, to understand the dialectics of it in order to remain conscious
of historical reality as produced by man and as producing man. And thus
we can overcome the temptation to bow to a deterministic view, whether
in the old, mechanical “Marxist” way of seeing the dynamics of a fetishized
economic process (which is after all man-made, protected by man-made laws
and government policies, but at the same time changable) as the ultimately
completely determining force, or in the post-modernist way of assuming
multiple, autonomous determinations, one of them, side by side with economically
and ecologically determining factors, being the presence and power of discourses.(23)
Certainly, the produced discourses
– originating as they are under the impact of multiple crises – produce
effects in people who actively receive them, rather than shutting their
eyes and ears and turning away. Certainly the social and economic and ecological
circumstances predispose many of us to receive critical discourses and
to take part in their further development, either implicitly, as thinking
and conversing social beings, or as writers. And certainly, the effect
of ecological tendencies, of social and economic crisis that are
produced by man, in combination with the effect of discourses produced
by men has been bringing about concrete, political action, for instance
in the squares of Spain, that will have an effect in turn. An effect on
established politics. An effect on the many who still remain spectators.
Indirectly, and in a way that is as yet hard to be precise about, an effect
on the economy. And also, quite certainly, on dominant as well as counter-discourses.
8
Further above I have been pointing
out the actual existence of autonomous (in many ways, challenging if not
rebellious) action. The events in Tunisia, Egypt, Spain, Greece, but also
civic movements in the U.S., Germany, Italy etc. provided examples. Is
it legitimate and convincing if I add now my tentative assumption that
such action is always produced (i.e., an effect of something) as well as
producing? And producing means: producing effects, something new, or sometimes
perhaps just an addition to something existent. Anyway, a change. A modification
or transformation in something that is, that exists already.
I add to this something that
amounts to a reservation: The autonomy of praxis, that is to say, the possibility
of transcending, liberating and thus emancipative praxis exists, as a potential,
in all of us. It is a basic feature of human beings, but a feature the
‘becoming real’ of which is structurally stifled and often, almost completedly
aborted, in class societies, including capitalist society.
Authoritarian tendencies, authoritarian
character structures are no accident; they are structural necessities for
the continued reproduction of the system. But the dialectical tension inscribed
in the suppression of innate human creative potential to transcend that
which is given brings about, at the same time, rebellious urges. These
are urges that often are ineffective because of displacement (Verschiebung,
in Freud’s terminology). In other words, because they result in social
behavior of ‘underdogs’ that is qualified by many sociologists and socio-psychologists
as evidence of, as the French say, anomie. Such anomic behavior is usually
less dangerous to the ‘powers that be’ than to other members of the subaltern
classes who become victims of it. It is necessary to point out, however,
that what Sociologist commonly refer to as anomy (anomie) can take various
forms. It can be simply undirected gratuitious aggression, it can take
the form of individualistic urges to destroy and damage things (hooliganism),
etc.. But it can also be sublimated in the form of anarchist street actions,
like those of the “Clown Army” in Germany. Or it can surface as street
theater, or challenging political theater, for instance the art of the
Bread and Puppet Theater or of the Living Theater.
Frantz Fanon has been particularly
clear in outlining the possibility of a transformation of such undirected
violent action into directed political action. Chris Marker has noted the
same transformation in a documentary he did about the Vietnam war; he noted
and confirmed the reality of liberating praxis behind the political maxim
“Hatred into energy.” Helpless, unproductive hatred felt by victims of
U.S. aggression was helpful in identifying the aim of action, and it was
then converted into energetic action destined to throw back and if possible,
vanquish the aggressor. Among the populace of the country that threw off
the American yoke, hatred has thus disappeared as a result. Such praxis
proved liberating in the socio-psychological sense, as well.
It is perhaps of interest that
the Argentinian psychiatrist Eduardo A. Mata has also noted the potentially
emancipative core of rebellious behavior of young people that bourgeois
psychologists and sociologist subsume under the category of ‘anomy.’ This,
of course, tends to challenge Erich Fromm’s concern about undisciplined,
anarchic thoughts and actions that he seems to take for symptoms of a lack
of self-discipline and thus, merely rebellious.
9
Let us now come back to Regis
Debray specific advocacy of a boss, and of authority. Debray sways or oscillates
between old-style social democratic and old “Marxists” positions which
both confirm the necessary existence of energetic leadership if political
praxis is to have a real effect rather than remaining simply symbolic.
His closeness to and support
of Mitterrand as “socialist” president of France is very well known, but
so is his temporary closeness to Cuba and its revolutionary leaders.
The journalist asks him if not,
today, in the great democracies of the twenty-first century, the people
do not tend to think that they have no need anymore to have bosses (jefes).
Debray assumes the air of somebody who is called upon to demystify democratic
ideologies. Of course, he says, the have bosses. Every democratic argument
that would assert the opposite would amount to hypocrisy. Now, it is very
easy to agree with that. In “las grandes democracias del siglo XXI”, though
certainly in forms different from those experienced before (say under Peron,
under Videla, etc.) there exist rulers and ruled, there are the political
bosses linked to special interest groups, to financial capital, to other
sections of the bourgeoisie, and on the other side of the unbridgeable
abyss, there is the disempowered mass of ordinary citizens. Up to this
point, we can agree with Debray.
But, Debray points out in a manner
worthy of a structuralist, in history we have a constant, le politique
(“lo político”, politics), said to consists in the endeavour to
avoid that which is worse. (To realize the lesser evil, in other words.
Still others have described it as “the art of the possible”, of aiming
for and at best attaining that which it is possible to attain.(24))
Basically, Debray hypostatizes politics. Eliminating human praxis, class
praxis, he turns it into that which acts. From there, it is just a little
step to the assumption that if politics demands a boss, a leader, then
the decisive question is who occupies the driver’s seat. Which class is
in control of the political machine, this is the only relevant question
for a Macchiavellian, realist thinker. A realist in the Aristotelian sense,
who can find little of value in “paradoxical”, dialectic logic. The pragmatist
is not against a boss in control of the state, of “democracy” if only the
demos profits from it, that is to say, the multitude, the crowd whose
rule (kratia) is always either entirely fictious or indirect and mediated
in his view.
For Debray, the boss (jefe) is
there to achieve and guarantee and symbolize the unity of the political
project, and thus as a boss of a popular government, the unity of the people.
Interestingly, a Bolivian author,
Luis Tapia Mealla, who is writing while Evo Morales has been made president
by the active political involvement of, above all, the indigenous populace
in that country, seems to assert something similar. Tapia Mealla states
that, having seen the people conquer important positions of political power,
the state manages to function as that which it is meant to be in the first
place but which, in its concrete, historic, bourgeois-capitalist reality,
it has failed by and large to function. It exists and functions finally
as “sintesis, unidad, mediación y racionalidad.”(25)
But does this depend on a political boss or jefe? Doesn’t it depend
much more on the continued involvement and participation of the multitude,
in various sub-local, local, regional, and national bodies (committees
and assemblies), directly and through diverse delegates obliged to report
back and subject to potential recall in the case of a breach of trust?
And isn’t Morales, who has not moved into the Presidential palacio, who
continues to share a flat with other comrades and who continues to cook
his own meals, who continues to wear the clothes of the common people instead
of the business suit of politicians, no more than a delegate, modest, a
speaker, an organon or instrument of people’s power, and as such replacable,
recallable, no ruler, no boss, but a co-worker, a team-mate, a companion
and comrade of the women and men in the popular barrios?
Debray’s vision of a president
like Mitterrand seems only slightly different but the underlying reality
of people’s power in Bolivia and lack of people’s power under Mitterrand
in France is very different,
Debray describes a president
or boss in these terms: “El jefe es, siempre, un hombre de palabras. Una
palabra que cristaliza, que dinamiza...”(26)
And he ends by comparing him to a rey pastor, a benevolent, guiding
ruler or king who is a good shepherd of his sheep.(27)
This does not reveal very much
trust in the ability of the masses to govern themselves, autonomously.
As I said, it is very close to traditional social democratic and “Marxist”
but also to bourgeois positions. But miles away from the warning words
of Marx that “the emancipation of the working class can only be the work
[or outcome of the praxis] of the working class itself.”
For Debray, Moses is the ideal
type of the necessary leader or boss.(28)
Yes, this is food for thought. It can remind us of Schoenberg’s opers,
and of the film “Moses and Aaron” by Danièle Huillet and Jean-Marie
Straub. Arnold Schoenberg experienced how gullible and seducable large
segments of the masses were at his time, falling for Fascism. Today, many
fall for consumerist seductions, war propaganda, xenophobic and anti-immigrant
rhetorics. Yes, it is wrong to idealize the masses. But is it right
to idealize leaders, bosses, presidents, the classe politique?(29)
On the contrary, we should see how many, among us, among the masses, are
awake, decent, filled by genuine longings that encompass visions of justice,
sisterly relations between human beings, rational, sustainable rather than
chaotic, crisis-ridden, market-driven economic development.
Debray’s concept of the political
leader, the boss (jefe) is in fact very much unlike Schoenberg’s Moses.
It is functionalist and pragmatic. It subsumes others (the people) to a
hetero-directed project which replaces the people as the implicit sovereign
and which the people must serve. For Debray, “El jefe es el maître
des horloges (el dueño del tiempo). [...] Crear el calendario es
un privilegio del jefe.”(30)
This says everything. There is no need to add anything to this extremely
revealing statement.
And yet, a few steps further,
referring to Marc Bloch, Debray approaches a sentiment uttered by Erich
Fromm. For Debray claims that “Para Bloch, el jefe debe tener dominio de
sí mismo y ser implacable.”(31)
It is an echo of Fromm’s insistence on self-discipline, as a necessary
element of autonomous praxis. If therefore, the people, the populace or
multitude (and every one who forms a part of it) is to become the
boss of its history, it would follow that it needs to attain self-discipline,
the ability to have “dominio de sí mismo” and the ability to jointly
act as “maître des horloges (el dueño del tiempo)”: maker,
of plans, from below, by linked (networked) popular assemblies that make
planning bureaucracies an anachronism. Is that impossible, for the people
or many among the people? Is self-discipline and rationality more impossible
for the people than for Mr. Clinton and Mr. Bush? Or Monsieur Mitterrand,
Monsieur Sarkozy? Il signore Berlusconi? Frau Merkel and Herr Schroeder?
Sartre, Debray noted, saw above
all the comedy, the farce of the jefe.
Debray thinks of the jefe as
indispensible and so he is forced to endow him with superior moral qualities.
It is Laskin and Philett who have noted the difference between formal (real
political) and reputational leadership.(32)
Perhaps the moral authority we acknowledge in temporary “leaders” like
Martin Luther King is close to what Laskin and Philett describe as reputational
leadership and what some people including Debray saw in Moses. Presidents
are formal leaders. There power is the power of kings, of rulers and people’s
power must take their place, turning presidents into officers, organons
of factual people’s power.
10
Before I conclude these reflections
on authority and autonomy, I want to return to Luis Tapia Mealla. In his
study on “La producción del conocimiento local” (The production
of local knowledge), Luis Tapia Mealla has emphasized the “posibilidad
del autoconocimiento social.”(33)
That is to say, the potential of the ordinary citizens (the masses or the
multitude, the subaltern classes in the diction of Gramsci that was dictated
by his imprisonment) to arrive at much more than a vague intuition of the
social situation in a specific class society at a specific point in its
historic development. I take the concept of autoconocimiento to be very
important; it is not identical, to my mind, with the German selbstbewusstsein
(consciousness of one’s self, in a phenomenological sense that centers
on the Cartesian ego, the isolated “subject”): no, for Luis Tapia Mealla,
autoconocimiento is both praxis and result, and the prefix auto- indicates
that the praxis is not heterodirected, that the result is not imposed by
the act of “teaching” of others, that on the contrary, both the practice
and its results are autonomously brought about, by ordinary people, members
of a class and thus by a class. Luis Tapia Mealla, who focuses on the situation
and development in Bolivia and whose book is also a product of the dynamics
inscribed in this development which it reflects, does not say that the
disempowered automatically possess such autoconociemento of themselves
as members of a class, and of the situation this class finds itself in.
Like Ernst Bloch, he emphasises the potential. And transcending philososphical
reflection, he turns to the real, social world, trying to identify the
“historic conditions” of this potential, the conditions under which the
hidden potential remains mere potential and the conditions under which
it becomes evolved potential, potential turned into a reality. For Luis
Tapia Mealla, the linkage between crisis and evolving consciousness and
thus knowledge of one’s social class, one’s situation, one’s denied yet
perceived existential social needs is very apparent. Such knowledge is
both related to the autonomous appropriation of the relevant results of
progressive social and politico-economic science and the very important
rediscovery of one’s social memory (as family history and history of the
oppressed and disempowered class that the people, in their vast majority,
belong to).
For Luis Tapia Mealla, it is
important that the masses (the ordinary citizens) guard against populismo
which variously played a role in Bolivian history in the post-1945 period.
It is very apparent that the “revolution” carried out in the past in the
framework of populism amounted to a “revolución passiva”(34)
–
a revolution from above that left the subaltern classes in a passive role
and that was therefore bound to give way to counterproductive and counterrevolutionary
political developments (most brutally under Banzer, who cooperated with
the dictatorships in Chile, Argentine, and Uruguay).
Rather than passively following
more or less “charismatic” populist leaders, the multitude must learn to
arrive at “autodeterminación” which, according to Tapia Mealla,
is the foundation of liberty (fondación de la libertad).(35)
NOTES
(1) On May 16, 2010, MSNBC reported that the
Thai regime (a regime in power because the military had toppled the legally
elected president) “imposed a curfew” in parts of Bangkok where adherents
of the democracy movement had gathered peacefully. Playing down the number
of protesters, the anonymous author of the report said, “Thousands of [peaceful]
anti-government protesters have been gathering in central Bangkok since
April 3. At least 25 people have been killed in violence [brought to bear
on them by the army and the police] in parts of central Bangkok since Thursday.”
(“Thailand to impose curfew in parts of BangkokAt least 25 have died in
clashes between authorities, ‘Red Shirt’ protesters”, in: MSNBC News, May
16.2010 http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/37173811/ns/world_news-asiapacific
).- Also in May, a blogger commented on the bloody crackdown of May
19, 2010: “May 19th, 2010, will be remembered for a gigantic collapse of
common sense, for utter failures on all sides. The government, the reds,
the people. However, it is doubtful the red leaders will see the light
of day again anytime soon. There will be a hard crackdown against government
enemies […] Look at the human toll […] Th[is] did not happen the way planned,
yet – and rest assured there are some tragic dark people out there applauding
the torching of “obscene” Central World. Hey it’s supposed to be a class
struggle. We can’t really look forward to anything right now. The most
dangerous days may lay ahead. The next tomorrows are crucial. The resistance
says this is just the beginning.” (http://absolutelybangkok.com/bangkoks-911/#comment-11845)
- The report about the events on May 19 and in the days leading up to the
crack-down that was filed by Associated Press in early June said, “Nearly
90 people were killed and some 1,800 injured in violence related to two
months of protests by Redshirt demonstrators demanding that Abhisit call
an early election. As troops cracked down [with extreme brutality on peaceful
Red Shirts] on May 19, angry protesters put more than 30 buildings around
the capital to the torch, including the country's largest shopping mall
and the stock exchange.” (AP, “Thai PM Plans Cabinet Shuffle to Bolster
Coalition”, in: Irrawaddy.org, Saturday, June 5, 2010 http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=18630
)
(2) It was the New York Times which spoke about
“a revolution galvanized by social networking and roused by the story of
Wael Ghonim, the Google executive detained for 10 days after he helped
jump-start the demonstrations by setting up a popular Facebook group.”
(Ben Zimmer, “How the War of Words Was Won in Cairo”, in: The New York
Times [New York Edition], Feb.13, 2011, p. WK4
(3) In Cairo, the huge masses of people in
Tahir Square and in other downtown areas carried on, in a peaceful and
solidary and very disciplined way, for a period of amazing duration. But
then, with the first signs of so-called victory of the Egyptian democracy
movement, normal routines of daily life began to keep the masses off the
street. The activists who remained undaunted were immediately faced again
with repressive violence that both the police and the armed forces continued
to employ against them. And yet, after an intermittent period of lessened
activity, big crowds are returning to Tahir Square at this very moment.
The struggle is as yet undecided. The Egyptian democracy movement not yet
victorious. The “Egyptian democratic revolution” continues today. And,
as the French say, “every revolution is a throw of dice.”
(4) Stark unemployment and outlawed strikes
were a key factor both in the Tunisian and the Egypt uprising. Regarding
the high rate of youth unemployment, a blogging journalist on CNN wrote,
“The math is stacked against the Arab youth. On our program, we have talked
about the need to create 100 million jobs to just stand still on the unemployment
front, since birth rates in the region are at the top of the global league
tables. For example, in Tunisia unemployment is at 14 percent in the general
population and nearly double that amongst those below the age of 25.” (N.N.,
“Boiling Points in North Africa”, in: Business Blogs / CNN, Jan.14, 2011.
http://business.blogs.cnn.com/2011/01/14/boiling-points-in-north-africa/
) – Workers in Egypt found hardly a chance to press for improvements of
their situation by way of strikes although they managed to form autonomous
but illegal trade unions. As in Taiwan under martial law that was imposed
in 1947 and lifted only in the 1980s, strikes were outlawed in Egypt under
Sadat and Mubarak. Even after Mubarak had stepped down, the Tantawi regime
remained determined to suppress strikes. According to a report published
on Feb.19, “workers using their new-found freedom to protest about
pay and conditions” were told “that strikes must stop. […] ‘They
[the strikes] will be confronted and legal steps will be taken against
them to protect the security of the nation and citizens,’ said the statement
on state media, which in effect bans strikes and industrial action.” (REUTERS,
“After the carrot, Egypt's rulers show the stick”, in: The Himalayan Times,
Feb.19, 2011. http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=After+the+carrot
%2C+Egypt%27s+rulers+show+the+stick&NewsID=276976)
(5) By mid-January, the Egyptian population
already got wind of the subsidy cuts favored by the IMF. “In Egypt, which
allocates about 7 percent of GDP to fuel and food subsidies, plans to restructure
the food subsidy programme are whispered in the halls of parliament. The
government wants to replace the current ‘in-kind’ system [...] Yet
the controversial plan is repeatedly delayed by nervous officials,”
wrote McGrath on Jan 18 (Cam McGrath, “Arab Regimes Fear Bread Intifadah”,
in: IPS News, Jan.18, 2011. http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=54159).
On Jan. 20, it was reported that the Mubarak regime was “considering discounts
on basic commodities for workers in an attempt to fend off potential labor
protests”. (N.N., “Egypt mulls subsidized goods, increased benefits for
laborers”, in: Al Masry Al Youm, Jan.20, 2010.
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/news/egypt-mulls-subsidized-goods-increased
-benefits-laborers)
On Jan. 21, under pressure from the IMF, the
finance minister was reported as saying that “commodity subsidies must
not be allowed to undermine the government's achievements in terms of economic
reform”. (Nagy Abdel Aziz, “Minister: Egypt's commodity subsidies must
not undermine economic reform”, in: Al Masry Al Youm, Jan. 21, 2011.
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/news/minister-egypts-commodity-subsidies-must-
not-undermine-economic-reform)
- A few days later, a 49-year-old man, “Abdou Abdel Moneim […] doused
himself in fuel” and set himself aflame in protest because he could no
longer buy subsidized food. He had come to Cairo to hand a complaint that
he was not able to get subsidized food to MPs entering parliament but was
turned away. (Cam McGrath, “Dispirited Arabs Burning for Change”, in: IPS
News, Jan.23, 2011. http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=54207) On the same
day, the IMF demanded that the Mubarak regime scrap gasoline, diesel and
cooking oil subsidies. A rise in the price of diesel has an immediate effect
on the price of public transport by bus. (Amira Saleh / Mohsen Abdel Razeq,
“IMF calls on Egypt to abolish subsidies on petroleum products”, in: Al
Masry Al Youm; Jan. 23, 2011. http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/news/imf-calls-egypt-abolish-subsidies-petroleum-products)
(6) Perhaps if we want to give one major reason
for the Egyptian democracy movement and the social as well as democratic
demands that were voiced by it, it is the global economic crisis
that struck Egypt. According to a statement issued by the Egyptian Center
for Economic and Social Rights (ECESR) and reported by Al Masry Al Youm,
“Decline of Egypt’s economic performance is proof of the government’s failure
to provide real solutions to the economic crisis […] ‘The Egyptian economy
has been affected by the global economic crisis and the country’s poor
people have paid the price, especially since the only beneficiaries of
[Egypt’s economic] policies are those close to decision-makers,’ the organization
said.” ( Wael Ali, “Rights group: Economy's decline proves failure
of Egypt's govt”, in: Al Masry Al Youm, Jan. 19, 2011. http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/news/rights-group-economys-decline-proves-failure-egypts-govt
(7) Erich Fromm, The Art of Loving, New
York (Bantam Books) 1963, p.91. - We might as well say that man,
in many parts of the world today, has been socialized in a way that has
hurt and reduced his capacity for autonomous thought and action. At least
certain ‘facts,’ certain opinions uttered by many people when polled, certain
forms of action and behavior (or of lack of it) seem to corroborate such
a hypothesis.
(8) The opposition of thoughtful, mature práxis,
tied to a consciously chosen project [praxis] and conventional, often
unthinking routine and other forms of often manipulated or ordered, thus
obviously hetero-directed practice [pratique] is central to Sartre’s approach.
Cf. Jean-Paul Sartre, Critique de la raison dialectique. – Riesman saw
only different (unflexible and flexible) forms of determination or hetero-directedness
of individuals and groups when he assumed the existence of two basic character
structures, the one being inner-directed (the individual as member of a
social group or class having rigidly internalized values and patterns of
behavior thanks to a specific socialization process), the other being outer-directed
and thus more influenced by mass media, fashions, etc. (Riesman, The Lonely
Crowd), something that implies flexibilization. It was Theodor W. Adorno
who, perhaps in Riesman’s footsteps, developed his concept of the typical,
mass-media influenced person in modern, “late-capitalist” societies. Riesman
did not see the inner-directed and outer-directed personality or character
structure as a-historic (given) facts but as outcomes of dominant social
tendencies. Some psycho-sociological interpretations (or socio-psychological
interpretations, for both sociologists and psychologists have tackled this
question) tend to link fixed value-orientation to 19th and early 20th century
North American and European society, while linking flexibilization and
loss of such orientation to mid and late 20th century Western societies.
Others link a likeliness to be manipulated by television and fashions (and
the concomitant general flexibilization and gullibility) to working class
existence whereas a relative immunity to manipulation and a more conscious
adherence to certain values (such as achievement orientation, the work
ethos, etc.) is taken for granted in the case of a so-called (sloppily
defined) middle class people who are either upward-mobile (“careerist”)
or attempt to guard against downward mobility. Snobbish or “WASPish” upper
class values have been assumed to exert an influence in the case of the
very affluent Eastern “liberal elite” in the U.S. – It is easy to assume
that most people, i.e. “blue collar” or low-ranking “white-collar” working
people, are especially gullible. But we know that quite a few working
class people can show firm adherence to such values as solidarity, friendship,
etc. and that the impact of fashions and the media on the middle and upper
class can also be considerable. Whereas Alan Sillitoe – in one of his stories
that show his deep knowledge of British social reality, especially in the
North of the country that was not yet fully deindustrialized at the time
– let us know how “proles” can laugh about the figures in the
news or the sit-coms shown on television while they watch, with the sound
turned off.– All of this is interesting insofar as it indicated the presence
of determining socio-psychological “factors” as well as a certain amount
of creative “autonomy” that persons, as members of social classes
can rely on.
(9) The concept of state apparatus, in the
singular and plural, is too frequently used today, however, to warrant
a reference to Althusser. Incidentally, Althusser found the concept, used
in the singular but implying different sections and forms of state activity,
including propaganda and thus the sphere of the media, of discourse and
of ideology, in Lenin’s State and Revolution.
(10) The United States are not the only
place where this can be observed. I have been informed that in Germany,
even so-called liberal papers like the Sueddeutsche Zeitung hardly reported
for several years about massive and growing opposition to a speculative
downtown urban renewal project in Stuttgart, the capital of the South West
German state of Baden-Wuerttemberg. They obviously are not on the side
of protesting citizens even though 150,000 turned out during the largest
demonstration this city has ever seen. The Munich-based daily Sueddeutsche
Zeitung even put the term parkschutzers (protectors of the [public downtown]
park) in quotation marks when reporting about the people who try to save
roughly five-hundred old trees from being felled. The quotation marks are
meant to indicate “so-called.” They are putting in question that these
dedicated people are really concerned about protecting the park that has
existed for more than 200 years and that is to give way to office buildings
if the property developers and German Rail, Inc. have their way.
(11) The Philippine thinker E. San Juan Jr.
speaks of the possibility of “a gesture of resistance by a nascent, irrepressible
agency” that we are capable of even when the balance of forces leaves us
no chance of effective struggle. In such a situation, “we can at least
interrogate the conditions of our subordination—if only as a gesture of
resistance by a nascent, irrepressible agency.” (E.San Juan Jr., “Sneaking
into the Philippines, along the Rivers of Babylon: An Intervention into
the Language Question”, in: http://rizalarchive.blogspot.com/2009_03_01_archive.html)
- I think that the concept of a “nascent, irrepressible agency” that exists
in human beings, no matter how terribly they may be suppressed and regardless
of how much they have internalized submission, is a concept that
comes very close to what I have been talking about here.
(12) Erich Fromm, ibidem, p.91
(13) Ibidem, p.91
(14) Ibidem, p.91
(15) Ibidem, p.91
(16) If Fromm speaks about authority, he intends
authority I exercise over my own irrational urges which is something that
most people speaking authority by and large don’t refer to. His critique
of the rebellious, “self-indulgent” U.S. middle class youth he encountered
probably on campus and his advocacy of authority could, however, be misunderstood
at the time. It was authority, specifically the authority of the presidents
of U.S. universities who sought to silence free speech and other forms
of criticism of the Vietnam war, that the “self-indulgent” (certainly not
very self-critical) rebels of the mid- and late 1960s rebelled against.
And they were, I think, very justified in doing so. In view of this
fact,
I think with a certain amount of admiration of Mario Savio, Angela Davis
and others who played a prominent role in Berkeley since the mid-1960s.
Initially in the context of the free speech movement.
(17) Yes, those who are often called a “silent
majority” are subject to the impact of the ecological and economic and
social crisis just as everybody else, or even more so. And aren’t they,
in a context of distribution of “wealth” from the bottom to the top, a
key target of “class struggle” from above? But let’s not be mistaken about
it, they know it. And even if they don’t know it, they sense it intuitively.
Most do, at least. If they remain passive viewers, in front of the television
set during the late hours when they are home from work, they who
are willy nilly part of the ongoing social conflict are not unaware
of their sad situation. Some still trust in strange “leaders” and in one
of the major established parties, major parties that are more or less
serving the purposes of the establishment. Many of them simply have lost
all hope that they can do something about it. Defeat has been written into
their face. What they need is the example that the disempowered can achieve
something.
(18) Regis Debray, interviewed by Luisa Corradini,
“"Los hombres desean obedecer a un jefe", dice Régis Debray / Es
instintivo, señala el pensador francés”, in: La Nacion (Buenos
Aires), August 27, 2008 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1043677
(19) Debray, ibidem.
(20) Vinciane Despret. Ces émotions
qui nous fabiquent: ethnopsychologie des émotions. Paris 1999
(21) In a way, this is a positivist, “scientistic”
and thus non-dialectical assumption that sees only one part of a given
social context, the determining effect of praxis conducted by the dominant
social forces (a praxis that is brought to bear on the entire social field
of class relations, on 1. the politico-institutional field, 2. the
politico-economic field, and 3. the cultural field, including the fields
of discourse, of science, and even of the non-verbal arts). What is overlooked
is the potential capacity or (already) exercised capacity to
resist and develop an autonomous counter-praxis that is a key human quality
of all those who are subjected to the praxis of the dominant social forces.
It is true that as individual, isolated resistance such counter-praxis
by and large remains symbolic and seemingly inefficient. But in the appropriate
social context, even the isolated symbolic production of a text like “Walden”
by Henry David Thoreau and his symbolic refusal to pay a tax that would
finance an immoral war he opposed, produced a social effect we must not
underrate. Yet nonetheless, it is always joined real social action which
transcends discourse that brings about real change. “Philosophers have
only interpreted the world” in different ways; “what matters is to change
it” and bring about a more ecological, more humane, just and democratic
society that involves citizens in real terms, and not in a way that amounts
to no more than a mirage of participation.
(22) Stéphane Hessel, Indignez-vous.
Montpellier (Indigène) 2010
(23) Juergen Link, for instance, rejects
concepts implying a mono-causal understanding, such as “industrialism,
capitalism, techno-scientism” because, he maintains, “one component (the
economy, technology, knowledge) is determining all the others.” (Jurgen
Link, “Korreferat zu Hannelore Bubitz, »Im Beichtstuhl der Medien«”,
in: kultuRRevolution, special issue: “(lead) nation building deutsch“,
ed. by Wolfram Breger, Jurgen Link, Rolf Parr, No. 60, June 2011, p. 82
[Transl. by me, C.O.W.]. - Does this not suggest multiple determinations
that enjoy some sort of autonomy; a suggestion already dear to Russian
formalists and Czech structuralists when they maintained the (relative
or absolute) autonomy of literature? Perhaps the deterministic view as
such, to the extent that it is unidirectional and conceived in the
context of what Erich Fromm calls Aristotelian rather than paradoxical
logic (E. Fromm, The Art of Loving, pp. 62-67), in other words, to the
extent that it is conceived in a positivist way rather than dialectically,
needs to be challenged? I would certainly say that class relations and
thus the presence of the market come to bear on praxis/practices in the
field of technology, of science, of the media, literature, the arts.
And therefore the particular character of the economic activities of men
under Capitalism colors and has an effect on the other activities, whereas
of course the praxis and the results of human praxis in the field of technology
for instance (a specific technology that owes its particularities to a
large extent if not almost entirely to the profit logic [Verwertungslogik;
Kontroll- und Herrschaftslogik] and the needs of capitalism) have in turn
an effect on the dynamics of capitalism, including its particular productivity
and destructive quality. Is it perhaps necessary to asks ourselves
to what extent Jurgen Link’s recent theoretical position in this
regard amounts to bricolage? - Cf. also the position of Samuel
Sieber which seems to be similar to Jurgen Link’s more recent position.
In the wake of Michel Foucault, Samuel Sieber assumes several parallel
« dispositives »: that of the media [thus, the cosmos of media
discourses]; that of politics, including specific government technologies;
that of technology (and here, he refers especially to: “telephone, internet,
photogaphy, video”); and probably – for he is speaking of moments of crisis
(Krisenmomente) – that of the economic power apparatus, including the sub-
or partial dispositive constituted by the financial sector. See: Samuel
Sieber, “Politik und Medien in der Schleife der Iterationen / Medien in
Krisen, Katastrophen und Revolten”, in: kultuRRevolution, No. 60, June
2011, especially pp.54-54. This amounts again to independent though interrelated
realms that seem to be governed by their own laws, rather than being subject
to the specific praxis of classes that confront each other in the context
of today’s capitalist class society.
(24) Regis Debray, ibidem.
(25) Luis Tapia Mealla, La producción
del conocimiento local, s.l., 2003
http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/bolivia/cides/libro1/libro1.pdf
(26) Regis Debray, ibidem.
(27) Ibidem.
(28) Ibidem.
(29) It is J. Weidenfels who has shared
this thought with me. See: J. Weidenfels, “Die katholische Soziallehre,
die »Wirtschaft«, die repräsentative Demokratie und die
Partizipation”, in: Urban Democracy, issue # 6 / 2011.
(30) Ibidem.
(31) Ibidem.
(32) Cf. Richard Laskin and Serena Phillett,
(Univ of Alberta and Univ of Saskatchewan), “Formal Versus Reputational
Leadership”, paper presented on Apr. 26, 1963 at the Annual Meeting of
the Pacific Sociological Association, held in Portland, Ore., April
25-27.1963 (Session V: Political Sociology)
(33) Luis Tapia Mealla, La producción
del conocimiento local, s.l., 2003
(34) Ibidem.
(35) Ibidem.
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LINKS
U.S. SITES
Occupy Wall Street
www.occupywallstreet.us
www.occupyyoutube.com
http://occupyyoutube.blogspot.com/
http://twitter.com/#!/OccupyYoutube
We Are Change
http://www.WeAreChange.org
Chomskyon
decentralized solidarity movements
Noam Chomskyon
Occupy Wall Street protests
Z Communications AND Z mag
http://www.zcommunications.org/
M.Albert/Wilpert,
"The State
of the U.S. Left", in: Z Communications
(backup copy)
Michael
Albert,
Occupy Wall Street Entreaty &
Spanish Anarchists Interview
(Z Communications, Sept.2011)
[backup copy]
Left Forum
www.leftforum.org
Local to global.org
www.localtoglobal.org
Nathan
Schneider, "From Occupy
Wall Street to Occupy Everywhere"
(The Nation, Oct. 31, 2011)
backup-copy
SPANISH SITES
AND INFORMATION
IN ENGLISH (ON SPAIN)
Democracy real YA!
http://www.democraciarealya.es
Manifesto of
Democracia real YA!
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copy
Inés Benítez,
"Spain:
'Indignant' Protests Heat Up Election Campaign"
(IPS news net, Oct.4,2011)
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Tito Drago,"'Indignant'
Demonstrators Marching to
Brussels to Protest Effects
of Crisis" (IPS news net, July 30, 2011)
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Tito
Drago, "Spain: Streets Paved
with Evicted Families" (IPS, Oct.7, 2011)
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GREEK SITES (HELLAS)
To VIMAon
the general strike (Oct.19-20,2011)
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ELEFTHEROTYPIA
on the general strike
(Oct.19-20,2011)
Athens (Greece) indymedia
http://athens.indymedia.org
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www.poesy.gr
POESY'S CALL TO JOIN
THE GENERAL STRIKE
Mavroulis
Argyros on the general strike
(in:
Real.gr, Oct.20, 2011)
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Deutschsprachige Web-Seiten
GERMAN LANGUAGE SITES
K21
(Stuttgart)
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"people
of the world, rise up"
Aufruf von K21 zur Demo am 15.Okt.
(backup copy)
Echte Demokratie jetzt
Echte Demokratie jetzt
Aufruf zur Demo
am 15. Okt.
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copy
linksunten.indymedia.org
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Attac
Attac Deutschland
attac Aufruf
zur Demo am 15.Okt.2011
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Occupy Frankfurt
http://www.occupyfrankfurt.de/
doku.php
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https://www.facebook.com/
OccupyFfM
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15 October Net
http://15october.net/de/
Aufruf
(backup copy)
Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen
Die Gruenen [Green Party, Germany]
zur
Demo am 15.Okt
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Die Linke (Left Party, Germany)
DIE LINKE unterstützt die weltweiten
Proteste gegen die Diktatur der Finanzmaerkte und für mehr Demokratie
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Realdemokratie
www.realdemokratie.de
We Are Change Austria
www.wearechangeaustria.yooco.de
http:/www.wearechangeaustria.
blogspot.com
http:/www.wearechangeaustria.
wordpress.com
We Are Change - CH
wearechange.ch.jovinus-meta.net
CHILE
Students in Chile are protesting against
the privatization of higher education that took place
under Pinochet, and against the underfinanced
public education system
(xinhua
net, Oct.20, 2011)
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EGYPTIAN SITES
Al Ahram Weekly
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg
Galal Nassar,
"The
Arab Spring and the crisis of the elite"
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copy
Al MasryAlyoum.com
http://www.almasryalyoum.com
Mohamed
Azouz, Egypt govt mulls
raising workers' incentives
in bid to thwart labor strikes
Ahmad
Fouad Najem, "Forbidden"
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LIBYA
The Nation
www.the
nation.com
Kucinich,
Speech before U.S. Congress, March 31, 2011
(The Nation; April 4, 2011)
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PEACE MOVEMENT
Tom
Hayden, "The Defunding
of the Peace Movement"
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Not in our name
www.notinourname.net
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DISARM NOW
disarm now
"Former
US Attorney General Testifies for Plowshares Activists"
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Justice with Peace
(United for Justice with Peace
Coalition)
www.justicewithpeace.org
international
SITES
Support Julian Assange
www.support-julian-assange.com
Forum Social Mundial
www.forumsocialmundial.org
www.anticapitalistas.org
Retos anticapitalistas
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